By Dr. Dan Steinbock
the role of North Korea.In economic and trade issues, the subtext of bilateral relations has shifted, thanks to China’s reforms, as I argued a year ago. More recently, China’s new reform and opening policies have changed the very terrain of Sino-U.S. relations. The role of bilateral trade deficits has been overshadowed by the rapid rise of China’s foreign direct investment (FDI) in the U.S. As efforts to accelerate innovation-led competitiveness have been stepped up in the mainland, IPRs play an increasing role in Chinese industrial policy as well.And as the U.S. recovery is broadening, rounds of quantitative easing (QE) have ended at the Fed, which is paving way for hiked rates after mid-2015. As a result, the U.S. dollar is strengthening and bilateral currency debates are fading away.Two pivots, one regionIn the 2010s, both China and the U.S. have engaged in regional rebalancing. America’s security alignments in Asia Pacific stem from President Obama’s pivot to “maintain our strong military presence in this region.”In June 2012, the then-Defense Secretary Leon Panetta said that America’s combat ships in Asia would be doubled to 60 percent by 2020. In turn, U.S. recalibration of trade in the region has been fueled by the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)
deal.In a recent APEC forum, China presented its own new regional initiatives, which reflect the proposed “Asian-Pacific Dream,” including a $40 billion Silk Road fund, and the $50 billion Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, which will augment the already launched New Development Bank (NDB) by the BRICS nations.Furthermore, Beijing is paving way for the Silk Road Economic Belt to serve a combined market of 3 billion people, as well as the 21st century Maritime Silk Road along with $1 trillion in bilateral
trade with Southeast Asia by 2020.These initiatives are evolving hand in hand with the proposed Asia Pacific Free Trade (FTAAP) plan, which would include both China and the United States. While Washington has lobbied against both the AIIB initiative and the FTAAP plan, the regional development bank has broad support in east, southeast and south Asia, while inclusive free trade in Asia Pacific requires the presence of both Beijing and Washington.While there has been friction over China’s ‘core interests’ in Asia, particularly with Japan, the Philippines and Vietnam, major conflicts have been contained in bilateral talks rather than multilateral or international venues.Changing economic realitiesAs the Obama era is winding down, the Dow Jones topped 18,000 for the first time, while the third-quarter U.S. growth intensified to 5.0 percent, the strongest in 11 years.U.S. real GDP growth is likely to accelerate to 2.3 percent in 2014 and 3.1 percent in 2015, respectively. While inflation will remain less than 2 percent, the Fed will hike rates to 0.6 percent in 2015. At the same time, the value of the euro will decline from $1.38 to
$1.15 in 2013-2015.As President Obama will leave the White House, U.S. growth will steadily decelerate to 2.3 percent by 2020, even as inflation will rise to more than 2 percent. At the same time, general government fiscal balance of GDP will increase to more than -3 percent, whereas trade balance will remain 3.4 percent of GDP. Concurrently, the euro will increase to $1.30 by 2020.This economic deterioration will be compounded by the challenge of leverage. Despite all the rhetoric about “austerity” and “rebalancing America’s debt burden has grown by almost two-thirds since the global crisis. Today, it is close to $18 trillion – almost $1 trillion higher than the U.S. GDP, despite the Fed’s lifeline of $4.5 trillion in the past half a decade.In China, real GDP growth is likely to remain at 7.3 percent in 2014 and around 7 percent in 2015. As President Xi Jinping will govern China until the end of the 2010s, GDP growth will decelerate to 5.5-6 percent. At the same time, fiscal balance will decrease to less than -2 percent, whereas trade surplus will remain over 3 percent.In a precarious balancing act, Premier Li Keqiang seeks to manage the housing market volatility, while continuing deleveraging in the local government. Currently, China’s national debt is about 25 percent. Add the local debt and the total remains around 45
percent.Post-Obama pressuresIn the U.S., the critics of bilateral Sino-U.S. understanding argue that the new strategic trust is driven by new Realpolitik realities, particularly the rebound of the U.S. economy.In reality, the bilateral relations are supported by President Obama’s effort to leave behind a legacy of bilateral success and President Xi’s attempt at a “new model of major country relationship.”China continues to enjoy solid growth and is deleveraging. In contrast, America’s growth is fueled by foreign investment, U.S. dollar as the de facto global currency, and a rising debt burden. In the latter half of the 2010s, this overstretch will come under increasing pressure, however.Consequently, it follows that, in the post-Obama era, Beijing must prepare for more confrontational policies in Washington.
The Trump-Xi Summit Paves the Way to New ...
South Korea, 3 Other Dragons in Decline?
After The Trump Triumph
Dr Steinbock's Interview on the Trump Triumph
What If Clinton Wins?
From Record Highs to Equity Exodus amid Rising ...
The Coming Revolution of Chinese Robotics
Struggle for Brazil & against BRICS
Tale of 3 Disney Cities in East Asia
Renminbi as the 5th Int'l Reserve Currency
Behind the Trans-Pacific Partnership Talks
China's Big Debt Swap
Russian Economy Is Ready to Grow
Trans-Atlantic Scramble for Free Trade Deals
Through Greece, China's EU Strategy Is Winning ...
America, China and the Islamic State
Dr. Dan Steinbock is research director of Int'l Business at India, China & America Institute (ICA), fellow at Shanghai Institutes for Int'l Studies . The expert on G-7, BRICs economies, and U.S.-Chinese ties taught at business schools of Columbia University and NYU, and at Helsinki School of Economics. He has appeared world's major TVs and written columns for leading newspapers.
The Seoul Times
Shinheungro 25-gil 2-6
Yongsan-gu, Seoul, Korea
Office: 02-555-6188 Email:email@example.com
Copyrights 2000 The Seoul Times Company ST Banner Exchange